Portrait of a Femicide Crisis: A Statistical and Socio-Psychological Analysis of Honor Killings Recorded in Ordibehesht 1404 (April–May 2025)
Author: Rezvan Moghaddam
PhD in Sociology (Gender Studies), Free University of Berlin
Women’s Rights Activist, Spokesperson for the Stop Honor Killings Campaign
Between April 22 and May 22, 2025 (Ordibehesht 1404 in the Iranian calendar), the “Stop Honor Killings” campaign recorded 27 cases of women murdered in Iran. These cases overlap significantly with characteristics of honor killings and femicide. This figure, which represents only a portion of the actual violence that surfaces, illustrates the severity and scope of a phenomenon that must be understood not merely as a series of individual crimes, but as the manifestation of a structural crisis within society. The scale of violence in such a short period points to the repeated reproduction of norms in which women’s bodies and lives are defined as the property of family, society, and especially men.
Over the past decades, studies on gender-based violence—relying on feminist approaches, social psychology, and critical sociology have analyzed honor killings not merely as personal or emotional acts but as a structural mechanism of domination and control over women’s bodies and social actions. Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of symbolic domination and his concept of symbolic violence offer a useful framework here: violence, even without physical force, is legitimized through dominant value systems. In this context, concepts such as “honor,” “namus,” and the “ideal woman” in patriarchal ideology become instruments for the reproduction of violence.
From the perspective of social psychology, the theory of “gender role dependency” reveals how, in hierarchical societies, men employ violence to maintain their dominant status. Additionally, the theory of “informal social control” highlights the role of tools like shame, dishonor, and kinship pressure in legitimizing honor killings. Comparative studies have also shown that in societies with weak legal frameworks, poor public education, and strong gender taboos, the rate of honor killings is significantly higher.
From a social-psychological standpoint, the persistence and legitimization of honor killings reflect a form of group identity and social control maintained through violence. In this framework, “honor” functions as a form of masculine social capital transforming into a system of reward and punishment within the family and kinship group. Through tools such as shame, rejection, and ultimately physical violence, women are kept under control. This collective mechanism, aimed at preserving male-centric group cohesion, justifies acts of violence even in their most extreme form, i.e., murder. These mechanisms not only threaten individual and collective mental health but also severely undermine social trust, public security, and the moral fabric of society.
From a sociological perspective, honor killings represent an extreme symbol of patriarchal dominance in societies where women are not viewed as autonomous individuals but as carriers of the “collective honor” of their family and community. In such structures, when a woman is killed by her father, brother, or husband, the act is not only uncondemned by the surrounding society but is sometimes culturally, traditionally, or even legally endorsed. In the penal codes of many countries in the region including Iran legal loopholes and judicial practices persist that, rather than deterring violence, perpetuate its cycle. The relative impunity of perpetrators, especially when related to the victim, is a major factor in the social reproduction of this phenomenon.
Statistical Observations
Recording 27 femicides in a single month particularly given that many cases are never reported or covered by the media strongly suggests that the actual numbers are much higher. Notably, 25 cases were recorded in Farvardin (the previous month), underscoring a systematic level of violence against women. This violence, especially in regions with strong traditional and patriarchal cultures, is becoming a disturbing pattern of “normalized violence.” In such contexts, honor killings are no longer perceived as social catastrophes but rather as understandable or even legitimate responses in public discourse. This normalization indicates that addressing this crisis requires more than legal reform it demands deep cultural, educational, and media transformation on a national level.
In this study, to gain a clearer understanding of the dimensions of honor killings, several key variables were analyzed statistically: average age of perpetrators and victims, murder weapon, province of occurrence, and familial relationship between killer and victim. Analyzing these indicators enables us to draw a more precise pattern of how these murders occur, their socio-cultural context, and their geographic spread ultimately aiding in the development of more effective policies and interventions.
Statistical Analysis of the Murder Weapons Used
In the 27 recorded cases during Ordibehesht 1404, the murder weapons used were as follows:
| Weapon | Count | Approx. Percentage |
| 🔫 Firearm | 9 | 33.3% |
| 🔪 Knife | 9 | 33.3% |
| Strangulation | 3 | 11.1% |
| 🛠 Hammer & Mallet | 1 | 3.7% |
| ☠ Acid | 1 | 3.7% |
| Machete | 1 | 3.7% |
| 🚗 Car Run-over | 1 | 3.7% |
| Mace | 1 | 3.7% |
| 🔨 Hammer | 1 | 3.7% |
The most common tools firearms and knives were each used in 33% of cases, indicating their accessibility and prevalence in domestic and honor-related violence. Strangulation occurred in three cases, pointing to more planned murders without the use of visible weapons. Less frequent methods such as acid, cars, hammers, and machetes still reflect the variety and extent of violence against women.
Geographic Distribution by Province
| Province | Count |
| Tehran | 4 |
| Khorasan | 4 |
| Kermanshah | 3 |
| Alborz | 3 |
| Fars | 3 |
| Kerman | 2 |
| Semnan | 2 |
| West Azerbaijan | 1 |
| Zanjan | 1 |
| Khuzestan | 1 |
| Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad | 1 |
| Golestan | 1 |
| East Azerbaijan | 1 |
Tehran and Khorasan had the highest number of honor killings with 4 cases each. Alborz, Kermanshah, and Fars each had 3 cases, while Kerman and Semnan had 2. Other provinces reported one case each. While honor killings are widespread across Iran, their repetition in densely populated urban areas like Tehran and Khorasan is alarming. The frequency in provinces like Alborz, Kermanshah, and Fars highlights the intersection of cultural norms, legal gaps, and judicial inefficacy.
This study only covers the month of Ordibehesht 1404 and reflects the pattern of gender-based violence during this limited timeframe. Longer-term data is required for a comprehensive picture. However, field research shows that provinces like West Azerbaijan, Kurdistan, and Sistan and Baluchestan consistently report higher numbers—due to cultural traditions, legal vulnerabilities, and patriarchal beliefs.
Relationship Between Perpetrator and Victim
| Relationship | Count |
| Husband | 19 |
| Victim’s son-in-law | 2 |
| Suitor | 2 |
| Father | 1 |
| Cousin | 1 |
| Temporary husband | 1 |
| Unknown identity | 1 |
In 70% of cases, the perpetrator was the woman’s husband. This starkly reveals the crisis of domestic violence within marital relationships. Roles such as son-in-law and suitor also appear in 2 cases each, often driven by motives of possessiveness or revenge. Other roles such as father, cousin, and temporary husband appeared once. These findings confirm that the greatest danger to women comes from those closest to them especially their spouses. It reflects a patriarchal and proprietary understanding of family, where men view themselves as owners of women and resort to deadly violence when disobeyed or challenged.
Motives Behind the Killings
| Motive | Count | Percentage |
| Domestic conflict | 7 | 25.9% |
| Unknown | 6 | 22.2% |
| Suspicion | 5 | 18.5% |
| Divorce request | 3 | 11.1% |
| Suspected infidelity | 1 | 3.7% |
| Rejection of marriage offer | 1 | 3.7% |
| Inability to conceive | 1 | 3.7% |
| Personal issues | 1 | 3.7% |
| Theft of gold | 1 | 3.7% |
| Woman’s wish to end relation | 1 | 3.7% |
The most cited motive was “domestic conflict,” found in 26% of cases. However, this term frequently used in official reports and state media often masks the deeper nature of the violence, providing no context about the conflict, history of abuse, or legal complaints. The second-largest category cases with unknown motives (22%) likely reflects censorship or lack of access to detailed information. Suspicion-based killings (18.5%) stem from controlling and possessive male behavior. Divorce requests, cited in 3 cases, highlight women’s limited right to exit relationships without facing fatal consequences.
Age of Perpetrators and Victims
The average age of victims was 33, while that of perpetrators was 38. In many cases, the age of the killer was not reported. However, among those recorded, the age of 38 suggests that these men were not in adolescence but at a stage of relative social and economic stability. Yet, they remain highly vulnerable to patriarchal dominance, cultural control, and gendered expectations.
Conclusion
This analysis of the 27 honor killings recorded during a single month (Ordibehesht 1404) reflects the pervasive nature of gender-based violence in Iran. While limited in timeframe, it provides critical insights into patterns, relationships, motives, and regional dynamics. The findings confirm that femicide is not random but systemic deeply rooted in patriarchal norms, legal loopholes, and a lack of cultural accountability. Continued data collection, public awareness, and policy reform are essential to confront this crisis and advocate for justice and safety for all women in Iran.
